5 Ridiculously Military Radar To Spot Terrorists Enlarge this image toggle caption AP AP By contrast, the European Union’s missile patrols have done little to disrupt what’s happening. Their sole mission in 2014 was to detect threats coming from ISIL in southern Iraq and neighboring Syria about which Western advocates and NATO members aren’t fully aware. This year, the Baltic States have carried out one of NATO’s annual “Tripwire Week” exercises. In that event, NATO officials went to a NATO summit in Munich and criticized NATO for fighting “some of the greatest terrorist organizations in the world” — those countries only provide air space for U.S.
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-led airstrikes and counter-terrorism. Last year, NATO’s “Tripwire” was canceled, signaling a slow-motion collapse of that mission. And “The Tactical Response Team” that became the organization—regarded by NATO officials as the successor to America’s Special Operations Command—has struggled to bring in the necessary resources and implement the country’s current mission. What NATO’s critics lack is the organizational backbone necessary to take on the same U.S.
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-led capabilities overseas. When President Obama visited Ukraine last year for the NATO Summit, by contrast, a new-generation Aegis missile system was the centerpiece of his Pentagon effort. During the process, NATO has taken a less proactive approach. First, NATO lawmakers gathered for a NATO military advisory committee last year to assess how allies would be able to maintain its own resources. Though the committee isn’t even in its own right, members seem completely determined to address the pressing need to reduce the size of those forces in case of a political solution.
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At the same time, they cite the growing number of challenges involved in NATO. We use the term “terrorist entities” here because anti-ISIL groups — militant insurgents with sophisticated weaponry but relatively small networks of supporters — have a disproportionate and costly presence in Europe. These groups are attempting to forge safe haven around small, highly populated areas where IS attacks. Given the limited number of European military staffs, they would be harder to create than they are, says Jonathan Peters, a former deputy defense secretary under Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama.
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But there’s also something “innovative” about these efforts. According to an analysis of military budget numbers compiled by RAND Corp., some NATO countries have spent less than 6 percent of defense budgets on troops in 2014 (as opposed to the average of about 35 percent the previous year). Some of those spend on a foreign policy project at alliance headquarters, combined with multinational acquisitions, even reduces capacity. As the European Union prepares for Sept.
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15, German Chancellor Angela Merkel is expected to make a formal request for a permanent NATO presence in the U.S. “The alliance should be able to do its own kind of operations abroad if necessary, but not what Europe is facing, where its political sovereignty is outside the jurisdiction of the U.S. NATO’s ability to really organize a global operation overseas has a much more important role to play outside of the region,” Peters said.
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So when that day comes, NATO must seek to grow its own influence abroad. Clearly, that could get harder when Europe votes on its own agenda for the U.S. coming spring. What NATO can do, Peters says, is help slow the spread of ISIS in Iraq and Syria — a central plank of President Obama’s plan to continue to fight the terrorist group for an “incident in time” that “doesn’t come until the American people figure out who is controlling the world and what they expect from events in Europe.
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” And what NATO can do, Peters is hopeful that it can do it all by itself without internationalized support. After conducting a course in Iraq in August, the U.S. military and State Department established a national security training program that included a brigade and combat Going Here command in Baghdad that would provide support for ground troops and other U.S.
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government operations. The school was scaled back without taking into account “what would happen to countries outside, whether in Iraq or Turkey or where,” Peters said. Last year, the U.S. Army sent first-responders to Iraq to train Iraqis on how to defend their towns from bomb threats.
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This year alone, the U.S. sent U.S. soldiers to conduct airstrikes against IS near an oil refinery in the Kurdish autonomous region of Nineveh.
